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Book review - Why So Slow?: The Advancement of Women
by Virginia Valian, 1998, MIT Press

Reviewed by Cathy Kessel

Emily Toth, author of Ms. Mentor's Impeccable Advice for Women in Academia , remarks parenthetically (p. 176), 'It should be no surprise--though it is galling--that academic men are often rated more highly then academic women, and paid better, for the same work.' Ms. Mentor's readers might not be surprised, but the person in the street may be. Moreover, that academic person (being an academic) might like some evidence. Virginia Valian's book Why So Slow? provides this--and a theoretical framework in which to think about it.
Valian is a Professor of Psychology and her book focuses on the individual and psychological, rather than the cultural and social. The evidence comes in two categories: psychological experiments and statistics concerning performance ratings, studies of women and men matched for various attributes, and so on. A 1975 example of the former: Make up some resumes, put men's names on some and women's names on the others. Send to 147 heads of psychology departments with a request to rank the 'candidates' according to the professorial rank at which they should be hired. Rotate names so that each resume sometimes gets a woman's name and sometimes a man's. Result: Resumes with men's names were assigned the rank of associate professor. When the same resumes carried women's names they were assigned the rank of assistant professor.
Vilian's framework for thinking about this kind of phenomenon uses gender schemas and role schemas. Schema is a term used in cognitive science to denote an individual's mental construction affecting that person's perceptions. One's gender schema, for example, affects the way in which one perceives the behavior and attributes of women and men.
Role schemas are mental constructs about the behavior and attributes of people in particular roles, such as that of professor. Gender and role schemas may interact. Not only do gender and role schemas interact, but the way in which they interact depends on context. Some interesting (and cheering) experimental and statistical findings (pp. 141-142) suggest that women tend to fare better when there are more women around, when a larger percentage of women are in the applicant pool, or in tenure situations when there are more women in the department.
The schema framework nicely explains why Ann Hopkins, the Price Waterhouse attorney who had brought in 25 million dollars worth of business and had more billable hours than any other attorney under consideration, was rejected in her bid for partner in 1982. 'She had all the qualities that gender schemas dictate successful men should have. Her problem was that she wasn't a man" (p. 291). WAGE members may be particularly interested to know not only did Hopkins win all three of her suits against Price Waterhouse, but part of her defense involved research on sex stereotyping.
Valian points out (p. 166) that professional women 'face a cruel set of choices: make an accurate intellectual evaluation of the situation and feel helpless; or make an inaccurate evaluation and feel in control.' She offers a third option: 'learn how gender schemas work, recognize instances of disadvantage, and develop methods of correcting imbalances. Knowledge is power.'
Why So Slow? offers important information about all three: gender schemas, instances of disadvantage, and methods of correcting imbalances. In my view, the story of why women's progress in academe has been slow requires (at least) the viewpoints of education, history, and anthropology offered by, for instance, the work of Myra and David Sadker; Elizabeth Fennema and Gilah Leder's Mathematics and Gender ; Margaret Rossiter's Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 and Women Scientists in America: Before Affirmative Action, 1940-1972; Elaine Seymour and Nancy Hewitt's Talking About Leaving ; and Nadya Aisenberg and Mona Harrington's Women of Academe, as well as the lenses of race, ethnicity, and class.


-wage@wage.org-